We expect issues involving the non‐random seating of female jurors to be muted in these cases and, in fact, the gender composition of repeated juries’ is not correlated with the gender of the victim in violent crime cases. Second, judges might request an all‐male jury because of the ‘sensitive’ nature of the case; a signal about the case that might influence the deliberations and behaviour of the seated male jurors. In the Second Court, the share of cases with female jurors increases already to almost 80% in 1922 and the average number of seated jurors increases to 2.3 in 1922 and 2.6 in 1923. Indeed, regressions (available upon request) of the presence of female jurors at the extensive or intensive margin on the full set of case characteristics have R‐squares that are 2–3 times as large when using the sample of one case juries compared to multiple case juries. Depending on the court and jurisdiction, individuals should not have had to serve again within specified time periods. Clearly, the implementation of this law has changed significantly with the passage of time.1212 We then use the gender‐classified juror names to identify the number of females seated on each 12‐person jury; unfortunately, the only thing we know about seated jurors is their names. 4% of the cases have a child victim and 21% of defendants are undefended. there does appear to be a small change in the distribution of crimes for which defendants were charged following the reform, at least in the Second Court. While we do not have any anecdotal evidence or rules informing us about when repeat juries can be used, an analysis of the data sheds some light on this. For instance, a jury of six women decided George Zimmerman was not guilty in the shooting of an unarmed black teenager, Trayvon Martin, in 2014; subsequently, almost every media outlet in the country included a headline questioning whether the extreme gender composition of the jury affected the verdict. The results of the mock jury studies are both inconsistent and often limited in their generalisability given the experimental simplifications, non‐representative subjects, and lower stakes compared to the real world.66 7% of the defendants receive a death sentence in the First Court compared to none in the Second Court. should occupy a house with no fewer than 15 windows. Gwendolyn Rogers was seventeen when she married Clarence Hoyt in 1942. But, in 1921, more than 60% of juries had at least one female and the average number of females seated was about 1.7 (note that this includes cases with zero females). The limits of gendered leadership: policy implications of female leadership on women's issues. The significant effect on the likelihood of plea behaviour in column (1) is driven by a change in offence composition seen in the courts (in particular, the share of bigamy cases), and not a change in the likelihood of pleading within a given offence category.3434 Similarly, it also possible that prosecutors’ perceptions of the likelihood of obtaining a guilty verdict for certain types of offences or that victims’ reporting behaviour of crimes changes with the presence of females on the jury.3232 Note that the increase in the conviction differential between male and female victim is primarily driven by a decrease in conviction rates for male victim cases following the reform. Beyond the elementary issues of fairness and representation, proponents of greater female participation in government and politics argue that such inclusion alters the broad focus of policy, the collective functioning of legislative bodies, and executive decision‐making.11 The first exercise utilises a sub‐sample of cases that were decided by ‘repeat juries’, i.e. in theory, judges could respond to changes in jury acquittal behaviour with changes in sentencing behaviour and. These results suggest that it is not just the presence of any females that affect the verdicts, but that there is added influence of additional female voices during deliberations.4747 Section 1 provides institutional details regarding the English jury, and the context of the female jury reforms. Women Juries for Women Criminals. For cases with multiple defendants, we keep track of both the case number and the defendants’ order; generally, the charges associated with the first defendant are more serious than those associated with the last. Robust standard errors in parentheses, clustered by jury. However, our analysis (not shown) of the robustness of the property offence findings do not tell as robust a story as that for sex offences – that is, the reduction in the conviction rate for property offences appears to be driven by the third year after the reform and is only visible with the full set of controls. A growing body of research evidence points to a range of mechanisms through which gender diversity affects group decisions including both the direct effect of adding new perspectives as well as the more general impact of having more diverse view points on the depth and quality of ensuing discussions (Andreoni and Vesterlund, 2001; Campbell and Mínguez‐Vera, 2008; Carter et al., 2010). Robust standard errors in parentheses; *10%, **5%, ***1%. For this analysis, we are focusing on a sub‐sample of violent crime cases that were not deemed ‘too sensitive’ for female ears, and implicitly assuming that the number of females seated (conditional on at least one female being seated) does not reflect case characteristics. She picked up a baseball bat and with one swing killed him as he lay on the couch. Additional variables that we code are the length of the trial in days, which is suggestive of the quality of evidence and the seriousness of the case, and whether the defendant was undefended. (2000) for a brief review of this literature. Such an effect is never seen for sex offences. Almost 15% have one female, more than 20% have two females, and about 15% have three females. We obtained photocopies of the complete Court Books for the First Court (from October 1917 to October 1926) and the Second Court (from January 1919 to January 1925); this amounted to about 3,500 pages of case summaries from 193 court sessions. For instance, 54% of defendants in the First Court are found guilty of all charges compared to 37% in the Second; likewise, 68% in the First are guilty of at least one charge compared to 53% in the Second. First, we find in regressions not shown that whether a case has a repeat jury is not random, as case characteristics are significantly related to repeat jury use: generally speaking, characteristics that may be correlated with less serious cases (e.g. Note that violent offences do not include cases of sexual violence, like rape, which are categorised as sex offences. According to a 1920 New York Times article, the prosecutor congratulated the women for ‘at last taking their proper place in the administration of justice in England’.2020 Not surprisingly, females are less likely to be seated on rape and other sex offence cases; this systematic selection for rape cases is only seen during the first three years. It took the six-man jury only twenty-five minutes to find Hoyt guilty of second-degree murder. An examination of the sentencing data also indicates that the crimes in the First Court are more serious, and eligible for harsher punishment. ● The story opens with Mrs. Hale leaving her hob undone in her kitchen, to accompany her husband Lewis Hale, Sheriff Peters and his wife, and lawyer Henderson to the crime scene. 39% of the cases in the First Court have at least one killing charge, compared to 2% in the Second Court. Case characteristics 1 include victim characteristics (male, female, no. The statistics for offence categories reveal that 20% of defendants in jury trials have at least one charge of killing, the most serious of offence categories. Even in this multivariate regression framework, there is significant selection of females based on offence type. Finally, among those offences that do not easily fall into the categories of violent, property and sex offences, 3% of defendants are charged with bigamy, 16% with deception, 3% with an offence against the king and 6% with another offence. Column (1) uses our baseline analysis sample of all jury verdicts and finds that there is a 1.5–2 percentage point reduction in the chance of a conviction of a lesser offence. *Indicates pre‐post difference is significant at 5%. These results are also not sensitive to including month, defendant and victim characteristics, number of charges and proxies for quality of evidence and severity of case – trial length, trial breaks and undefended. One feminist scholar argued that Glaspell had “anticipated the search for feminist consciousness and an informed community of women.” The state of Florida easily exploited Hoyt’s dilemma. possess an income of 10 pounds per year from real estate or rent charge; or The findings of the pre‐post reform analysis can be driven by both direct and indirect mechanisms. The main challenge is that the selection of individuals for most positions – elected officials or political appointments – is far from random. All specifications also control for whether the case is after the main post‐reform period. The dependent variable in columns (1) and (2) is whether the jury finds the defendant guilty of a lesser charge; i.e. 5% of defendants are charged with robbery while 8% are charged with aggravated assault and 8% with another offence against a person (i.e. All specifications control for court and the basic set of offence characteristics. Note that these specifications are restricted to the First Court, where the plea and trial data have been recorded. a change in jury acquittal behaviour would translate to a change in sentencing if treating acquittals as sentences of zero months. In the US, women have had the right to vote for fewer than 100 years and female representation in Congress has never topped 20%. The Stanford Law Review is operated entirely by Stanford Law School students and is fully independent of faculty For the cases in which the jury returned a verdict on at least one charge, 60% of defendants are found guilty on at least one charge, 45% of defendants are found guilty of all charges and 49% are found guilty on the first (typically most serious) charge. In the First Court, we see little change in terms of the offence distribution and defendant/case characteristics. Finally, conducting the same exercise of looking at juries with at least one seated females for the sample of other offences finds the same pattern of results for female defendants as in the before–after analysis; however, they are generally only significant at around the 15% level. Likewise, rape and aggravated assault are more prevalent in the First Court, while the Second Court largely sees various types of property crimes. *10%, **5%, ***1%. Glaspell’s story, which takes place before the law permitted women jurors, focuses on the differences in the way women and men perceive and judge a woman’s alleged murder of her husband. These newspaper articles, collected by the Home Office, are at the National Archives under HO 45/13321. When Hoyt came to trial in 1957, the Florida jury service statute required women to be registered voters and, unlike men, to register with the clerk of the court “her desire to be placed on the jury list.” Nearly 46,000 women were registered voters in Hillsborough County, but only 218 had volunteered for jury service. because the data that we have gathered provide direct measures of the impact of the reform on the extent to which females were actually seated on juries. It will involve sexual points of the gravest indelicacy – questions which even men would hesitate to discuss amongst themselves. *10%, **5%, ***1%. An important consideration in weighing these possibilities, however, is that juries were still overwhelmingly male after the reform, requiring female jurors to affect the votes of a large number of male colleagues in order to impact trial outcomes.
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